10/10🌎 The Late-Statist Human Type

A particularly vivid example of this mindset is the recent reduction in VAT on basic foodstuffs. The Austrian government presented a savings and burden package as a “temporarily over-financed” relief package and then expressed surprise at the lack of applause. The sheer audacity of this attempt at deception, promoted with the full force of the political- media complex, leaves even long-time observers speechless.

The self-congratulation over the VAT cut on basic foodstuffs works on the naïve. Everyone else quickly realizes that consumers are 99% “luxury consumers” because they want to buy pastries with a suspiciously high fat content — for example, in the form of a croissant.

The SPÖ under Babler urgently needed a narrative that would allow it to present itself as the savior of humanity. Finance Minister Marterbauer was presumably told internally: fine, but it has to be “properly” financed on the other side. Only then could the golden parachutes for left-wing statism actually be deployed. And it had to remain complicated, so that even more sandal-wearing fruit-juice drinkers could be hired — people who can be persuaded that socialists are political geniuses beyond all doubt. The ÖVP, for reasons of state and party raison d’être, was anyway willing to go along. The people “out there” were allowed to feel loved and seen because a “cheap-dry-bread-roll law” signaled that someone was thinking of them.

Chancellor Stocker later admitted in a summer interview that the VAT reduction had not been a stroke of genius but had to be implemented at the SPÖ’s explicit request. At the same time, he announced further measures. The fine print of the budget for the coming years reads like a systematic burden on the broad population: abolition of contribution reductions for low earners and older people, cuts to child benefits and educational leave, a €3 package fee on online orders, a new plastic tax, and other measures. Anyone who points out these details is implicitly branded as anti-state or petty. This is no longer about sustainability or justice. What rules here is the law of the party jungle: whoever is more ruthless and better connected prevails.

People are increasingly seeing through the game. Capital and talent are already fleeing in droves from an Alpine republic that is drifting ever more strongly toward reaction and statism. The day is approaching when this government will have to use its rhetorical skills not to deceive the remaining population, but to dampen the expectations of its own supporters. The panic about that day is already palpable: eyes are blinking, foreheads are glistening, and parts of the Black (ÖVP) camp are desperately trying to get the turquoise rescue boat of the Kurz era back afloat with the help of the “light sailor.”

How is it that ideologies are devouring us in late statism?

Ideologies are no longer comprehensive worldviews. They are bundles of questions, accusations of guilt, and justifications — nothing more and nothing less. In late statism they acquire destructive power because the individual has lost the direct connection to his own production of freedom. He can no longer clearly assess the value of what he himself achieves and therefore accepts every “favor” granted from above as normal.

Historical Roots

The roots go back to industrial corporatism. The individual worker performs partial tasks within large organizations that are detached from the market. He cannot assess the value of his own freedom-production himself. Nor is it made clear to him. He works according to arbitrary specifications and must be content with the wage that is allocated to him. This market-detached worker, raised to exist as a corporate ward without genuine emancipatory capacities, experiences everything as favor or disgrace. He assumes that everyone else exists under the same conditions.

Added to this is German idealism with its toxic belief in the triumph of the will. If only everyone believes fanatically and uniformly enough in a particular justificatory achievement, it will become reality. This combination of organizational dependency and ideological voluntarism prepared the ground for the late-statist type.

Solidified Nonsense

Anyone who still speaks of “privileges” today usually suffers from the inability to distinguish between the justification of allocated freedom and freedom that is actually produced through one’s own efforts. The real impositions today are no longer caused by natural circumstances but by artificially state-created constraints. Economic dependency is turned into a political decision in order to keep the privilege game going.

Characteristic of this condition is the overvaluation of justificatory achievements and the simultaneous neglect of actually produced freedom. The assumption that a fictitious common benefit can be placed above self-interest and even serve as motivation is absurd. It is based on pure ethics of conviction and ignores considerations of responsibility ethics as well as real capacity constraints. What if it doesn’t work? Who bears the costs of failure? In a company, heads roll. In politics, this question is practically never asked. Over a period of 20 to 30 years, entire armies of civil servants and politicians have built their careers and pension claims on erroneous assumptions. The result is always the same: it only didn’t work because the people did not believe and act together with sufficient strength and unity.

Tendency Toward Fanaticism

The problem is exacerbated by the fact that the most senseless ideologies are the ones most dependent on creating the appearance of effectiveness through uniform affirmation. They therefore build the largest power apparatuses and the most influential opinion-shaping structures. The thinner the substantive content, the louder and more rigid the demand for lockstep.

Conservatives Support and Cover for the Left

Conservatives talk about traditions and the preservation of values. In reality, these are often just their labels for the same game. They defend the status quo of allocated freedom as long as they themselves still have a place in the apparatus. In doing so, they support and cover for the left instead of developing a genuine alternative to statist logic.

A National Plague

Many have fallen for the belief that freedom does not depend on its active production, but on its sufficient justification. With enough uniform affirmation, it will then automatically take shape. This is the spiritual plague of late statism. It paralyzes the ability to take responsibility and produces a society that constantly calls for new justifications and new control mechanisms.

Spiritual Neglect – Why They Hate Their Fellow Human Beings

At this point the late-statist human type becomes particularly clear. The leftists who want to transform entire countries into post-bourgeois autocracies in order to preserve power and personal prosperity do so, subconsciously, because they hate women and young people.

This is not open, articulated hatred. It is suppressed, often perverse impulses. Many actors of this type suffer from an unresolved father complex. They cannot accept any genuine authority that is independent of themselves — neither that of the family, nor that of tradition, nor that of their own achievement. Instead, they project their inner conflicts onto society and try to “heal” it through state control. At the same time, they are tormented by a deep status anxiety. A free, self-responsible human being — whether a woman or a young adult — is a permanent threat to their worldview and their privileged position within the apparatus.

They harbor suppressed feelings of hatred toward precisely those groups they claim to want to protect. Strong, independent women who sustain families, raise children, and manage without constant state care expose the supposed necessity of the great caretaker. That is why traditional family structures are systematically undermined, motherhood is portrayed as a career obstacle, and every form of self-assertion is defamed as backward. Young people are also hated because they are not yet fully fitted into conformity. Adolescents who ask questions, take risks, and seek their own paths disrupt the narrative of eternal neediness. That is why they are pacified through excessive regulation, ideological indoctrination in schools and universities, and the extension of childhood into the third decade of life.

This spiritual neglect manifests itself in conflict avoidance and conformism. Genuine confrontation is avoided because it could reveal one’s own fragility. Instead, there is a false sense of security created by the rigid division into supporters and allies on one side and opponents on the other. Anyone who expresses doubts within their own camp is declared an enemy more quickly than any real political opponent. This binary world creates an artificial community based on enemy images rather than shared values.

The hatred of fellow human beings is ultimately a hatred of freedom itself. A free fellow human being needs no paternalism, no re-education, and no state grace. He calls into question the entire raison d’être of the late-statist apparatus. That is why he must be fought — subtly through moral discrediting or openly through administrative measures. The post- bourgeois autocracy is not the result of too much compassion. It is the result of too little self-respect and too much suppressed resentment toward those who could manage without the apparatus.

The Social-Libertarian Educational Ideal

Opposed to the spiritually neglected, dependent, and ideologized human being stands a clear counter-ideal: the social-libertarian educational ideal. It does not aim at adaptation to the apparatus, but at the development of independent, responsible, and viable personalities. Its central pillars are tolerance, resilience, conflict competence, and willingness to help — in their genuine form, not in their distorted statist version.

Tolerance here does not mean the forced recognition of every arbitrary lifestyle or ideology. Genuine tolerance is the calm certainty that other people may take different paths as long as they do not destroy the freedom of others. It presupposes that one has a firm standpoint oneself and therefore does not perceive every deviation as an existential threat. The late-statist type knows only intolerant tolerance: everything must be the same, otherwise it is hatred. A social-libertarian education, by contrast, teaches people to endure diversity without forcing it into uniformity.

Resilience is the ability to endure setbacks, disappointments, and hardships without immediately calling on the state as savior. It arises through the experience of responsibility, through bearing consequences, and through the knowledge that one’s own life must primarily be shaped by oneself. A resilient society needs less social bureaucracy and more people who have learned to deal with uncertainty. In practice, this means: less protection from everything and everyone, more opportunities to make one’s own mistakes and learn from them.

Conflict competence is perhaps the most important and most suppressed virtue of our time. It means openly addressing disagreements without dehumanizing or silencing the other person. It requires the courage to debate, the willingness to compromise, and the recognition that conflict is not destructive per se, but often the only path to better insight and fairer solutions. The late-statist human flees from conflicts into moral superiority or into the safety of their own filter bubble. A social-libertarian education, by contrast, teaches people to accept conflicts as normal parts of living together and to resolve them constructively — in the family, at school, in the workplace, and in society.

Willingness to help, finally, is voluntary or it is not help at all. It springs from compassion and personal responsibility, not from compulsory taxation or moral pressure. Whoever learns to help of their own accord — whether in the neighborhood, in clubs, or through private initiatives — develops genuine social competence. Whoever only redistributes what others have earned remains an administrator of other people’s property and loses the capacity for genuine solidarity.

This educational ideal produces people who do not merely justify freedom but produce it anew every day. It fosters individuals who do not have to hate because they do not have to fear. It builds respect for achievement instead of envy of supposed privileges. It renders conformity and fanaticism superfluous because it makes the individual strong enough to stand without lockstep. In the family it begins with the transmission of responsibility rather than claims. In school it focuses on the transmission of knowledge and character formation rather than ideological re-education. In society it promotes voluntary communities rather than total state responsibility.

Conclusion

The late-statist human type will not be defeated by even more bureaucracy, even louder justifications, or even more sophisticated perception management. It will be overcome when a new generation learns to produce freedom instead of begging for it — and when it regains the spiritual health that has been lost in the current state of neglect. Tolerance, resilience, conflict competence, and genuine willingness to help are not nice additions. They are the only weapons that truly work against the intellectual and spiritual desolation of late statism. Whoever takes this ideal seriously will no longer be capable of hating women and young people or of understanding freedom only as an allocated privilege. He will once again be capable of being a free human being among free human beings.

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